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Accounts of an impending American-Russian leadership meeting have been greatly exaggerated, it seems.

Only a few days after Donald Trump announced he intended to confer with Russia's leader Vladimir Putin in the Hungarian capital - "within two weeks or so" - the high-level talks has been put off without a new date.

A initial get-together by the two nations' leading diplomats has been called off, as well.

"I prefer not to have a wasted meeting," President Trump told the press at the White House on Tuesday afternoon. "I aim to avoid a pointless effort, so I will observe what transpires."

• Trump says he did not want a 'wasted meeting' after plan for negotiations with Putin shelved
• Letdown in Ukraine's capital as President Zelensky leaves Washington empty-handed

The frequently changing meeting is just the latest twist in Trump's attempts to broker an conclusion to war in the Eastern European nation – a subject of increased attention for the US president after he arranged a truce and prisoner exchange deal in Gaza.

While making remarks in the North African country recently to commemorate that truce deal, the president turned to his lead diplomatic negotiator, with a fresh directive.

"We have to get the Russian situation done," he said.

Nonetheless, the conditions that converged to make a Gaza breakthrough achievable for the negotiation team may be difficult to duplicate in a conflict in Ukraine that has been raging for almost several years.

Less Leverage

Per the lead negotiator, the crucial element to unlocking a deal was Israel's move to strike representatives of Hamas in the Gulf state. It was a action that angered America's Arab allies but gave the president leverage to pressure Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu into making a deal.

Trump gained from a history of siding with Israel dating back to his first term, encompassing his choice to relocate the US embassy to the contested city, to alter America's position on the legality of Israeli settlements in the occupied territories and, in recent times, his support for Israel's military campaign against the Islamic Republic.

The US president, actually, is more popular among the Israeli public than Netanyahu – a position that gave him unique influence over the nation's head.

Add in the president's connections in politics and business to influential Arab nations in the area, and he had a abundant diplomatic muscle to secure an deal.

Regarding the conflict in Ukraine, on the other hand, Trump has much less influence. In recent months, he has swung between efforts to strong-arm Putin and then the Ukrainian leader, all with minimal visible progress.

The US leader has threatened to impose additional penalties on Russia's oil and gas sales and to supply Ukraine with advanced missile systems. But he has also acknowledged that doing so could disrupt the world's financial stability and intensify the conflict.

Meanwhile, the US leader has criticized openly Ukraine's president, halting briefly intelligence-sharing with Ukraine and suspending arms shipments to the country - then to retreat in the face of concerned European allies who caution a defeat of Ukraine could destabilise the entire region.

The president loves to tout his ability to sit down and negotiate agreements, but his personal discussions with the Russian and Ukrainian leaders haven't seemed to move the hostilities any nearer a resolution.

The Russian president may actually be using Trump's desire for a settlement – and faith in in-person deal-making - as a means of influencing him.

During the summer, Russia's leader agreed to a high-level meeting in the US state just as it appeared likely that Trump would sign off on legislative penalties backed by GOP senators. That bill was subsequently put on hold.

Recently, as news emerged that the US administration was considering seriously shipping Tomahawk cruise missiles and Patriot anti-air batteries to Ukraine, the Russian leader called the US president who then touted the possible summit in Budapest.

The next day, the president welcomed Zelensky at the executive residence, but left without agreements after a allegedly tense meeting.

The US leader insisted that he was not being manipulated by Putin.

"As you are aware, I have been manipulated throughout my career by skilled operators, and I came out really well," he said.

But the Ukrainian leader later made note of the timeline of developments.

"Once the issue of advanced weaponry became a less accessible for us – for Ukraine – Russia almost automatically became less engaged in negotiations," he said.

So, in a matter of days, Trump has shifted from entertaining the prospect of sending missiles to Ukraine to planning a meeting in Hungary with Putin and privately urging Zelensky to surrender all of Donbas – even land Russia has been unable to conquer.

He has finally settled on advocating a truce along present frontlines – a proposal Russia has rejected.

On the campaign trail last year, the candidate vowed that he could resolve the Ukraine war in a very short time. He has since abandoned that commitment, admitting that ending the war is turning out harder than he anticipated.

It has been a uncommon admission of the constraints of his authority – and the challenge of finding a framework for peace when neither side wants, or can afford to, give up the fight.